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Does prove that 'center-right' doesn't explain American politics? . The best descriptor for America continues to be that we're an Put another way: America is probably about as center-right as it is center-left, depending.
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That's not the whole picture, though. Gallup regularly asks people how they identify themselves by party.

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In recent years, more people have described themselves as Democratic than Republican -- but it's the number of independents that's increased. Most of those independents, though, still lean toward one party or the other. If you combine Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents, they constitute slightly more of the country at this point than Republicans and Republican-leaning independents.

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The most recent survey from Gallup came out earlier this month. Around the time of the election, the split was different, with Democrats and Democratic-leaning Americans making up 48 percent of respondents. That explains Clinton's popular-vote victory better than it does the Republican victories in state and congressional races. It's tricky to evaluate political thinking based on electoral outcomes in part because so many Americans don't vote and in part because state and congressional races have built-in biases that come into play. What we can say is that Republicans retained the House, though they lost six seats, and kept the Senate while losing the presidential popular vote.

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That's in part because, for the first time since senators were elected by popular vote, no state voted for a senator of one party and a president of the other. The best descriptor for America continues to be that we're an evenly-split country with a deep partisan rift that manifests itself in different ways. There are a number of metrics on which people generally prefer liberal or conservative policies, as Teeter pointed out in , but Americans generally don't identify as being a majority of either ideology or party.

America is probably about as center-right as it is center-left, depending on how you want to answer the question. One thing we would ask, though, is that you not try to answer it by pointing to a map of the counties in the United States.

They balance realism and idealism and understand the strength of an open rather than closed society. They put country over party, view principled moderation as a political virtue and deeply believe in American leadership in the world. But they do not simply seek the safe middle ground—for example, many back school choice while being pro-choice when it comes to abortion.

They are reformers in a field of reactionaries and radicals. There is an opportunity for a bold articulation of this considerable common ground.

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Amid all the coverage of populist anger what gets lost is how much of it was directed at the dysfunction of Washington DC, precisely because the capital has been so polarized. More polarization is not the cure, it is the problem that created the frustration. The right leader can make the case that poisonous polarization is the broken status quo and the radical center offers a decisive break with the recent past. We The People are the ultimate backstop in our democracy and therefore we need a broader movement of citizens, rooted in our best history and most inclusive traditions to re-center our politics and civic debates.

Does 2016 prove that ‘center-right’ doesn’t explain American politics?

We need more radical centrist senators and congresswomen from both parties who can form a coalition that holds the balance of power by voting their conscience rather than splitting the difference. And ultimately, perhaps, it may be time for those senators and select governors to split off and form something new, responding to the fact that 57 percent of Americans believe there is a need for a third party, according to a Gallup poll.

After all, the most popular governors in the country—Blue State Republicans Charlie Baker of Massachusetts and Larry Hogan of Maryland—cannot hope to run for president because their very moderation, which makes them so popular and effective, is a disqualifier in the Republican primary. And this self-inflcited dysfunction only adds credence to those competing powers who want to make the case that liberal democracy is inefficient and ill-equipped to succed in the 21st century.

The prominent inspiration for the centre-right especially in Britain was the traditionalist conservatism of Edmund Burke.

In Britain, the traditionalist conservative movement was represented in the British Conservative Party. Another centre-right movement that arose in France in response to the French Revolution was the beginning of the Christian democracy movement, where moderate conservative Catholics accepted the democratic elements of the French Revolution. In Europe after World War II , centre-right Christian democratic parties arose as powerful political movements while the authoritarian reactionary Catholic traditionalist movements in Europe diminished in strength.

Neoliberalism arose as an economic theory by Milton Friedman that condemned government interventionism in the economy that it associated with socialism and collectivism. Neoliberal economics was endorsed by Conservative British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher who adapted it as part of a free-market conservatism closer to the developments in American conservatism , while traditionalist conservatism became less influential within the British Conservative Party. Thatcher publicly supported centre-right politics and supported its spread in Eastern Europe after the end of the Marxist-Leninist regimes in the late s and early s.

In the United States, President Ronald Reagan — adopted many policies stemming from Milton Friedman 's economic theories, including principles from the Chicago school of economics and monetarism. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Centre-left Radical centre Centre-right.

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